From an article in Crosscurrents, January, 1992

 Extra 1992    Greenwich Publ. Saskatoon, Sask.    FAX: 306-244-0795 / TEL: 244-0679    ISSN 0704-6588

By Bob Fink, 1992
 PEARL HARBOR DAY got big coverage this year. But Bruce Bartlett's book Cover-Up, remains ignored. It's not fringe-fanatic ravings, but hard U.S. gov't sources, inspired from writings by John T. Flynn (Chicago Tribune), and his 1944 The Truth About Pearl Harbor. Flynn, a right-winger, couldn't stomach the lies of the time.
Before Bartlett's book, many heard vague memories through the years that the U.S. government knew Pearl Harbor would be bombed but allowed it to happen to gain a pretext to enter to war.
False pretexts for war aren't new. It was, done in Panama (twice). The Gulf of Tonkin "event" was engineered (see Pentagon Papers) to provide phony "self defence" excuses for full U.S. entry into Vietnam's blood-bath. North Vietnam "fired on the Destroyer Maddox" from a small P.T.-boat. But the P.T.-boat hadn't fired first! That fact only became public years later!
Bush's intense desire for war with Iraq was so clear last December [1991], I wrote then:
It would be no surprise if a new trumped-up "incident" allow Bush to go to war.... Note: When Iraq killed U.S. sailors with a :missile during Iraq's war with Iran, the U.S. did nothing against Iraq then.
U.S. leaders' morality in 1941 was such that they may have deliberately failed to warn Pearl Harbor a massive air attack was coming. U.S. Planners and President Roosevelt knew the day before the attack (due to having broken Japan's secret code weeks before) when the "sneak" attack would come; that Pearl was a .target! But warning to U.S. General Short and Admiral Kimmel in Hawaii were only of possible sabotage and hostility from local Japanese due to breakdown of U.S.-Japanese negotiations.
EVEN THOUGH LATER, WHEN THERE WAS STILL TIME TO NOTIFY PEARL HARBOR OF MORE EXACT INFORMATION, no warning of massive air attack came! No instructions to move ships, take airplanes to air, or mobilize and warn personnel for their own defense!
U.S. Chief Stimson sent Pearl Harbor a message Nov. 27, 1941) stating if hostilities occur, "the U.S. desires Japan to commit the first overt act.... Measures (reconnaissance) should be carried out so as not, repeat not, to alarm civil population or disclose (except to a select few) this highly secret information."  When more accurate information was known the night before the bombing no expanded warnings were sent.
And why  not?
The gov't wanted outrage, which Japan's attack would cause, to rise among the then mostly "isolationist" U.S. people to justify getting into war. The U.S. was deeply in economic depression. War in Europe was. becoming a growing economic boon for exporters of arms and supplies. Fully getting into war could end the depression (and it did). Public desire to stay. out of war w too prevalent to try to change by what would have been only an ineffective unpopular propaganda campaign. Japan's "sneak" attack was welcomed in the highest U.S. councils.
Stimson's diary explained why the U.S. should "let" (Stimson's own word) the known attack occur first: " order to have the full support of the American people...."
Of course at Pearl, Admiral Kimmel and General Short knew next to nothing of these attitudes.
THERE WERE 3 forms of "alert" status at. Pearl.   #1 Alert was to prepare for internal sabotage. No. 2 was mobilization against external attack and # 3 was for battle.
Short, who with Kimmel, had no hint of imminent external attack, ordered alert #1 -- against internal sabotage -- and the alert was, as ordered from Washington, limited to a tiny circle of people.
Short reported to Washington his action to go on alert #1. He never received word from Washington to change his alert status, nor any word that it was inadequate.
This is of immense importance, because, the night before the bombing, the US command and the President knew (from eavesdropping on Japanese coded messages) exactly when the Japanese would break off relations with the USA. That would also be the hour of the attack. The "when" of the attack was now known.
The "where" was actually contained within the very same words as well, but not immediately apparent. Next day, the fateful Dec. 7, 1941, at. 11 o clock in the morning, "Lieut. Com. Kramer gave a memorandum to Sec'y Knox of transcendent importance," Flynn wrote. "The memorandum pointed out that 1 p.m. Washington time was sunrise over Honolulu [but only] dark night at Manila (in the Philippines). Sunrise would be the moment for air attack. As a surprise attack was indicated, the hour of [Japan's] presenting the dispatch (breaking relations) indicated an air attack on Pearl Harbor. In other words, we faced an air attack on Pearl Harbor in a little over two hours." (Emphasis added.)
Many other warning rumours, intelligence reports and advice well before this (as much as. a .year earlier had been repeatedly given that. Pearl Harbor could be a very likely target if a sneak attack became Japan's decision. This last memo had authoritative finality now.
Thus warned (again), the high command did -- what? Use the fastest communication means at human disposal to warn Short and Kimmel at Pearl Harbor? No, instead, Flynn tells us the aged secretaries sat down to a conference. General Marshall wasn't informed until 11:25 . An hour and forty-five minutes to go.
"Time," wrote Flynn "to get many ships in motion. Time to get every available man mobilized. Time to get every available plane off the ground." There were powerful short wave radios over which a warning could travel. Marshall had a scrambler phone to reach General Short instantly. Instead Marshall used commercial. radio about an hour later (12:18 Washington and 7 a.m. Honolulu time). The message was carried through the streets in Honolulu as the bombs were falling. Only by 11:45 was it decoded in Honolulu by Army Intelligence. But it was 3 p.m. before General. Short received it, "hours after the great base had been destroyed."
Marshall's explanation (to the Roberts Commission into the tragedy) why he tried nothing faster nor more direct than a telegraph company was he feared interception of the warning. Flynn wrote: "What. difference? If intercepted the Japs(sic) would merely know what. they knew already. But Short would have known it also."
ROOSEVELT APPOINTED. a commission to investigate and find those responsible for the tragedy -- Guess who they found? -- Right, Kimmel and Short.
At first stunned by awareness of their own neglect, the Roosevelt government reported minimum damage was caused. Later that was impossible to sustain. More than 3,000 died the fleet decimated.
The investigator chosen by Roosevelt to ferret out someone to blame was Knox -- the same man who was warned Pearl Harbor would be bombed in two hours!!
Short and Kimmel were ordered never to discuss their own claims of .innocence with any one. Ordered into military silence about the affair, the charges of dereliction of duty were laid but the commission (controlled by Roosevelt) withdrew the charges, thus denying a trial to the accused and thus (hopefully forever) silencing the accused in their own defense. (Later in 1946, a Congressional report absolved Roosevelt, as well as. Kimmel and Short, but censured the War and Navy Depts.)
The government engineered a public image, well played out for years, even to this day, as follows:
Dec. 6th: Roosevelt appealed to Tokyo to maintain the peace. No U.S. military alerts were taken lest the US "look" provocative (despite its actual secret war going on prior to Pearl). The President woke next morning totally "surprised" by Japan's declaration of war and attack.
A date that will live infamy, he intoned. After solemnly promising Americans he'd never take their sons to war "unless attacked,"  he now had his attack. And had his scape-goats in Short and Kimmel. But with a fatal flaw, as Flynn wrote:
"Our government...trying to induce Japan to enter upon a peaceful settlement, was taken by... ‘surprise.' But notwithstanding the surprise, that government adequately warned Kimmel and Short of the attack which it did not expect...." [Emphasis added.]
Thus Kimmel and Short were guilty of not preparing for what they were warned would happen by a government which was totally surprised by what. happened!!
[See also this webpage]
THE ATOMIC bombing at Hiroshima and Nagasaki is justified as "answering Pearl Harbor." "No apology necessary," said (another) Bush. But A-bombed in Japan were nurses; doctors; many American POWs, elderly, pacifists; children being born that day -- killed or maimed in a horrible burned-alive way. What guilt had these people for crimes at Pear Harbor?
Japanese were brainwashed Hirohito was "a God." Others didn't believe this, but had no say, forced by lies, media hype, threats, and violence into obedience to military warlords. What guilt have they?
And who was spared? The emperor, warlords, military chiefs, the whole upper class of feudal Japan escaped penalty for their atrocities. The innocent were cremated unnecessarily, as was admitted by John Foster Dulles: A quarter-million lives could have been spared just saying: "Sure, we'll let your emperor remain safe if you surrender." But the U.S. government demanded unconditional surrender, refusing guarantees for Hirohito's safety, an offer they knew would be rejected. That'.s all Japan finally asked to agree to surrender. THAT IS WHAT THE U.S. AGREED TO ANYWAY BUT ONLY AFTER THE ATOM BOMBS FELL!!!
The U.S., setting terms they knew would be impossible for Japan to accept, really wanted no surrender, because they would then retain an excuse to test the bomb for military and political reasons.
And, unlike Japan, the USA is today is unwilling to consider mutual apologies.
-- By Robert Fink 
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Crosscurrents Oct., 1984:

 Extra 1984    Greenwich Publ. Saskatoon, Sask.    FAX: 306-244-0795 / TEL: 244-0679    ISSN 0704-6588

(Excerpts from a 1943 pamphlet)
U . S . Senator Wm. Proxmire's words :
"If defence corporations deliberately did this (shoddy work, overpricing, false tests) in wartime, they would be charged with criminal violations of the law. If a U. S. citizen deliberately set out to sabotage U.S. military production in wartime, it would be treason. There is not much difference between that and what some U. S. corporations are allowing to happen now." (Star-Ph., 9/28/84)
The truth is that such activities did go on in wartime (WWII); it was known; and the corporations involved did not get charged with treason, in fact, if they were charged at all, they were slapped on the wrist at worst, and at best (for the big corporations) they gobbled up hundreds of smaller corporations that couldn't compete for getting government weapons contracts, and ended up many, many times richer and more powerful than before the war effort.
In 1943, Assistant Attorney General Tom C. Clark had reported:
"At the start of the War program....175,ooo companies provided 7o% of the nation's manufacturing output, while today, 2½ years later...100 corporations hold 7o% of the war and essential civilian contracts." (New York Times April 23, 1943.)
This represented the bulk of the 14 billion dollars worth of new plants built at government expense for these select corporations.
These corporations grew in power by methods that included fraud, theft, forgery and cover-ups. This article will present the proof of this. While posturing as "patriotic" (then, as they do now) about the brave "boys at the front," the business establishment used patriotism as a screen to hide their greed and criminal profiteering. In a 1943 essay, George Breitman described the facts:
The S.S. Schenectady on Jan 17, 1943 snapped in half and sank only a few hours after it had been delivered to the Maritime Commission. The U.S. Senate Truman Investigating Committee on March 23, 1943 reported the cause: Defective steel had been supplied by Carnegie-Illinois (subsidiary of U.S. Steel) whose officials had willfully and consciously delivered faulty material to the Navy, and falsified the steel test records to cover up,
Equally culpable was the Anaconda Wire Cable Co. They were indicted on Dec. 21, 1942, for conspiring to sell the government defective wire, although its officials "well knew at all times" that use of such wire would "endanger the lives of men in the military service...," The company went to great and ingenious lengths to escape government tests. Senator Kilgore then pointed out the cable on a ship controlled the guns, the firing, aiming and range-setting. He said:
"If the cable is defective, the ship is helpless against aircraft attack. Also, the safety & success of the entire land combat forces are frequently dependent on messages sent overland by these self-same cables."
But no less reprehensible was the case of the Wright Aeronautical Corporation, subsidiary of the huge Curtiss-Wright Corporation. Wright's Lockland Ohio plant [financed by the government) was accused by the Truman Committee in July, 1943, of falsifying tests on airplane engines, destroying records, forging inspection reports, changing tolerances allowed on parts, skipping inspections, and so on: Inspectors who had complained were intimidated or transferred. These activities were aided and abetted and covered up by U.S. Army military inspectors. The Committee's reported results:
"Engines were built and sold to the government which were leaking gasoline.... Unsafe material has been discovered in completed engines.... The company's own reports...indicate that these parts had failed in a substantial number of cases. A substantial number of airplanes using this engine have had crashes in which engine failures were involved...."
This hardly exhausts the list. In a Chicago speech, Aug. 23, 1943, Attorney General Biddle reported that Big Business frauds were greater than in 1917 or 1918. He said 123 federal indictments were filed, with 1,279 investigations pending. At that point 71 cases had ended, with convictions or penalties in about 90% of them, but, Biddle complained, the penalties had been extremely light. While a few of the smaller companies did not get off, and some officials were even jailed, the great majority of offenders -- especially the powerful ones -- escaped.
Typical was the trial of the Anaconda Wire & Cable Co. Not a single one of the Anaconda officials indicted spent one hour in jail for their crimes. Some were fined and sentenced, but the judge ordered suspensions on payment of "ridiculously" low fines. Anaconda admitted at the trial it made (at least) $46,ooo from the frauds. The total fines imposed by Judge Slick came to $3l,ooo: So, after paying the fines, the company still had a tidy margin of profit from its criminal activities,:
Revelations of the crimes did not evoke a single word of protest, criticism or denunciation from any important capitalist in he country. Employers' associations, Chambers of Commerce and Manufacturers Associations -- all were as silent as a tomb, their "patriotism" now low-key. When used by the media at all, these stories generally were buried on inside pages while huge headlines raved on about miners or other workers on strike for a living wage. As Rowan points out, today it's easier to denounce the welfare mother for $24 worth of food stamps she was technically not entitled to have:
It was always better then for the media to run material about citizens whose "patriotism" was not up to snuff, and set the stage for cuts in wages (a "worker's patriotic duty," dontchaknow), no-strike pledges, and assembly line speed-up (which caused more casualties at home than on the military front). Discrimination against Blacks, women, others was frozen, and no complaints were tolerated.
In the quest for war contracts (true today as then), "uniting and sacrificing" (unless you're a corporate head,) to face the "enemy" requires, of course, that there be an "enemy," real or invented, or exaggerated. We can always, to this day, count on much of our "enemy" being invented to justify more defence spending, and ,the super-profits it generates for corporations and ultimately, the coffins it generates for the young, the unemployed and the poor.
Bob Fink, Editor: Crosscurrents

See: Breitman, Wartime Crimes of Big Business, 1943, Pioneer Publ., N.Y.C., NY.
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